Johannine Comma and Erasmus
From Textus Receptus
Erasmus said:
- I never discuss this passage without testifying to the truth of what people gather from that passage: that the Father, Son and Holy Spirit share the very same essence, lest anyone should suspect any trace of heresy. And if the slightest offence should arise from this, it comes from those who spin slander out of thin air, and drag into the open a question that ought to be discussed between scholars. — Erasmus, Defence against certain Spanish monks (1528)[1]
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Novum Instrumentum omne
The Comma Johanneum is missing in Erasmus' first edition of 1516, the Novum Instrumentum omne. He subsequently produced four more editions. The first two lacked the Comma, which was first included in the 1522 edition of his Greek New Testament. It subsequently appeared in every later edition of the Greek New Testament that came to be retroactively called Textus Receptus after 1633.
The scholastic standards of the day compelled Eramsus to withhold the comma from the first two editions in the Greek. The verse was not disputed among the scholarly editions in Latin. This explains Erasmus behavior concerning the omission of the Greek Comma Johanneum until more Greek evidence emerged for the reading.
Editions
- 1516 ὅτι τρεῖς ἐισιν ὁι μαρτυροῦντες. τὸ πνεῦμα, καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ τὸ ἇιμα. καὶ ὁι τρεῖς ἐις τὸ ἕν ἐισιν.
- 1519 ὅτι τρεῖς ἐισιν ὁι μαρτυροῦντες, τὸ πνεῦμα, καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ, καὶ τὸ ἇιμα, καὶ ὁι τρεῖς ἐις τὸ ἕν ἐισιν.
- 1522 ὅτι τρεῖς ἐισιν ὁι μαρτυροῦντες ἑν τῷ ὁυρανῷ, πατὴρ, λόγος, καὶ πνεῦμα ἅγιου, καὶ οὗτοι ὁι τρεῖς ἕν ἐισι. καὶ τρεῖς ἐισιν ὁι μαρτυροῦντες ἐν τῇ γῇ, πνεῦμα, καὶ ὕδωρ, καὶ αἷμα, καὶ ὁι τρεῖς εἰς τὸ ἕν ἐισιν.
Erasmus and Cyprian
See Also Johannine Comma and Cyprian of Carthage
The first Cyprian edition of Erasmus was in 1520 Opera diui Caecilii Cypriani episcopi Carthaginensis, ab innumeris mendis repurgata, adiectis nonnullis libellis ex uetustissimis exemplaribus ... atque haec omnia nobis praestitit ingenti labore suo Erasmus Roterdamus ... by Thascius Caecilius Cyprianus in which he quotes the Johannine Comma reference of Cyprian.
It is quite possible that Erasmus only saw the Cyprian reference after his 1516 first edition and it was an unspoken contributor to his including the heavenly witnesses in the third edition. The dedication for Erasmus' 1520 book by Cyrpian was written in 1519[2]. Cyprian quotes the latter part of the comma, i.e. "it is written of the Father and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, "And these three are one.", Erasmus marks in the margin the John 10:30 reference of Cyprian that proceeds it, "I and the Father are one;".
Erasmus and Montfortianus
See Also Johannine Comma and Codex Montfortianus
The usual claim by modern version supporters is that Erasmus omitted the Comma in his first Editions of the Greek New Testament, so the "Textus Receptus" (TR) stream already had this omission and therefore TR advocates are admitting that the verse was inserted due to the Churches pressure upon Erasmus to follow the Latin Vulgate. Many erroneously assume that because Erasmus' 1516 edition was the first New Testament published by the printing press, that it was also the first printed, but this is untrue. The Complutensian Polyglot had been printed 2 years earlier, but was not published until the Old Testament was completed in 1522. The Complutensian edition contains the Comma. So the claim that the first edition of the TR did not have the Comma is untrue.
Many arguments about Erasmus and the Comma Johanneum are out of date. Bruce Metzger (the father of modern textual criticism) was largely responsible for the stories of Erasmus being forced to include the Comma in the Textus Receptus stream. Yet in the 3rd and for 4th editions of Metzger's book "The Text of the New Testament" he retracted those statements. Metzger based his retraction on the work of H.J. de Jonge, the Dean of the Faculty of Theology at Rijksuniversiteit (Leiden, Netherlands) and a recognized world authority on Erasmus.
The conclusions in de Jonge’s writtings are as follows:
- (1) The current view that Erasmus promised to insert the Comma Johanneum if it could be shown to him in a single Greek manuscript, has no foundation in Erasmus' works Consequently it is highly improbable that he included the disputed passage because he considered himself bound by any such promise.
- (2) It cannot be shown from Erasmus' works that he suspected the Codex Britannicus (Minuscule 61) of being written with a view to force him to include the Comma Johanneum.
Metzger justifies his retraction on the basis of advances in research in the last quarter of a century. Along side this new research is further strengthening of the validity of the Majority Text manuscripts and Textus Receptus mainly because of less disruption in the “transmission history” of the Byzantine Texts.
With the third edition of Erasmus' Greek text (1522) the Comma Johanneum was included. Many claim that this is because a single 16th-century Greek manuscript (Codex Montfortianus) had subsequently been found to contain it, though Erasmus had expressed doubt as to the authenticity of the passage in his Annotations. But this has been challenged by scholars such as William Sandell. [3] [4]
Richard Porson the most likely candidate for the invention of the “Rash Wager” anecdote, although Granley McDonald proposed it was Richard Simon in his book, but Simon's wording is short of a promise.
The “Rash Wager” Anecdote
The below section is from an article by Jeff Riddle called Erasmus Anecdotes, Puritan Reformed Journal Vol. 9, No. 1 (January 2017): 101-112. at Academia.edu.
- The second Erasmus anecdote under examination might be called the “rash vow” or “rash wager” anecdote. It relates to the inclusion of the controversial Comma Johanneum (CJ) or the “three heavenly witnesses” passage (1 John 5:7b–8a) in Erasmus’s Greek New Testament.
- This passage did not appear in the first two editions of Erasmus’s Greek New Testament (1516, 1519). Correspondingly, it did not appear in Luther’s 1522 German New Testament. Erasmus added the CJ, however, in the third edition (1522), so it also appears in Tyndale’s 1525 English New Testament.
- Why did Erasmus choose to include the CJ in the third edition? A widely circulated scholarly anecdote suggests that Erasmus made a rash wager to include the passage if any Greek manuscript could be produced which contained it. When a forged manuscript (Codex 61) was fabricated by his critics for this very purpose, Erasmus relented and included it, though he was suspicious of its origins. Thus, the supposedly spurious Comma Johanneum came to appear both in the Textus Receptus and in the Reformation era vernacular translations (except, again, for Luther’s German translation) which were made from it.
- Here is a representative survey providing some examples of the perpetuation of this “rash wager” anecdote from the nineteenth century up to the present day:
- • Samuel P. Tregelles describes criticism which Erasmus received from Edward Lee and Stunica for his omission of the CJ in his first two editions, adding: “At length Erasmus promised that if a Greek ms. were produced which contained the words, he would insert them.”26
- • In B. F. Westcott and F. J. A. Hort’s “Notes on Select Readings” which accompanied their Introduction to the New Testament in the Original Greek, the note on the CJ at 1 John 5:7 states: “In fulfillment of a rashly given pledge, Erasmus introduced it into the text of his third edition….”27
- • J. Harold Greenlee offers this description how the CJ came to be included in Erasmus’s third edition: “The third edition of Erasmus was the first to contain the famous ‘heavenly witnesses’ passage of 1 John 5:7–8. This passage was contained in the Vulgate, and when Stunica, one of Ximenes’s editors, protested its omission from the Greek text Erasmus rashly promised to include it in a later edition if it could be found in a single Greek ms. It was accordingly produced, from a ms. (Cod. 61) very possibly prepared for the purpose and Erasmus dutifully fulfilled his promise in his edition of 1522.”28
- • Bruce Metzger, likewise, in the early editions of The Text of the New Testament describes Erasmus’s response to criticism of the omission of the CJ from Stunica: “In an unguarded moment Erasmus promised that he would insert the Comma Johanneum, as it is called, in future editions if a single Greek manuscript could be found that contained the passage. At length such a copy was found—or was made to order! As it now appears, the Greek manuscript had probably been written by a Franciscan friar named Froy (or Roy), who took the disputed words from the Latin Vulgate.”29
- As with the “rush to print” anecdote, however, the “rash wager” anecdote has also been challenged by an Erasmian specialist. The challenge has come from Dutch scholar Henk Jan De Jonge in a 1980 article titled “Erasmus and the Comma Johanneum.”30 De Jonge begins by noting: “How often must those who lecture in the New Testament or textual criticism at universities the world over have passed on the story of the good faith with which a deceived Erasmus kept his word to the students in their lecture halls!”31 De Jonge even confesses his own guilt in this regard: “The writer of these lines cannot plead innocence in this respect.”32
- De Jonge proceeds to disavow the historical reliability of the anecdote for the following reasons. First, he says, “it is remarkable that there is no trace of this tradition in the works of the great experts in the history of the text of the New Testament in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.”33 It does not appear, for example, in the writings of Richard Simon, John Mill, or J. J. Wettstein. The earliest reference which De Jonge found for the anecdote was in an 1818 work by the prolific scholar T. H. Horne. He adds, “It remains unclear from which source Horne derived his information.”34
- Second, he says that the anecdote is told with “striking variations.”35 In some accounts, Erasmus makes the promise to Stunica; in others, to Edward Lee; and still others simply mention the vow without distinguishing to whom it was made. De Jonge argues that it is impossible that Erasmus made the promise to Stunica, because he had already decided to add the CJ to his text even before the first record of their correspondence in September 1521. He also adds that no such promises to Lee are to be found in any of their surviving correspondence.
- Third, De Jonge notes, “the famous promise is not to be found anywhere else” in Erasmus’s extant works.36 He expresses his surprise that, with the exception of historian Roland H. Bainton, none of the scholars who have passed on the anecdote have even made the slightest effort to ground it in a specific passage in Erasmus or in any other literature of the sixteenth century.
- Having marshaled these three formidable arguments, De Jonge adds his own opinion that there is insufficient reason to suggest that Erasmus chose to insert the CJ because he felt constrained by a promise.37 After all, Erasmus’s chief purpose was his Latin text. “The function of the Greek text was secondary.”38 According to De Jonge, Erasmus added the CJ not because of a rash vow or because he believed it to be authentic, but simply to avoid the scandal of the charge of a lack of orthodoxy.
- Finally, De Jonge also challenges another facet of the anecdote which frequently appears in the secondary literature, namely, the suggestion that Erasmus himself suspected Codex 61 had been produced to obligate the inclusion of the CJ. He observes: “This is again a version of events which does not seem to be based on any passage in Erasmus’ printed works or letters.”39 Thus, he concludes that it cannot be shown that Erasmus “ever considered Codex Brittanicus as a product specially prepared to induce him to include the Comma Johanneum.”40
- 25. See again De Jonge, “Novum Testamentum A Nobis Versum: The Essence of Erasmus’ Edition of the New Testament.”
- 26. Tregelles, An Account of the Printed Text of the Greek New Testament, 22.
- 27. B. F. Westcott and F. J. A. Hort, Introduction to the New Testament in the Original Greek (1882; Hendricksen reprint, 1988), 104.
- 28. Greenlee, Introduction to New Testament Criticism, 70–71.
- 29. This book was perhaps the most influential of the twentieth century in shaping the understanding of text criticism among theological students and scholars. It appeared in four editions (1964, 1968, 1992, and 2005). By the fourth edition, revised by Metzger’s former student Bart D. Ehrman, this assertion is softened by adding the words “may have” [emphasis added]: “In an unguarded moment Erasmus may have promised that he would insert the Comma Johanneum…” (146). A footnote is also added which notes De Jonge’s challenge to this assertion: “It should, however, be noted that Henk Jan de Jonge, a specialist in Erasmian studies, could find no explicit evidence that supports this frequently made assertion concerning a specific promise made by Erasmus…” (146, n22). This challenge is discussed below
- 30. H. J. De Jonge, “Erasmus and the Comma Johanneum,” Ephemerides Theologicae Lovaniensis 56, no. 4 (1980), 381–89.
- 31. De Jonge, “Erasmus and the Comma Johanneum,” 382.
- 32. De Jonge, “Erasmus and the Comma Johanneum,” 382.
- 33. De Jonge, “Erasmus and the Comma Johanneum,” 382.
- 34. De Jonge, “Erasmus and the Comma Johanneum,” 383. The work is T. H. Horne, An Introduction to the Critical Study and Knowledge of the Holy Scripture, Part II Appendix (London, 1818), 2:133.
- 35. De Jonge, “Erasmus and the Comma Johanneum,” 383.
- 36. De Jonge, “Erasmus and the Comma Johanneum,” 384.
- Codex Montfortianus
- Putting to Rest an Old Canard about Erasmus by Peter Gurry July 31, 2019
- More on Erasmus and Codex Montfortianus by Peter Gurry August 07, 2019
- H. J. De Jonge, “Erasmus and the Comma Johanneum,” Ephemerides Theologicae Lovaniensis 56, no. 4 (1980), 381–89.
Erasmus and Jerome
Erasmus' inability to respond sensibly on Jerome’s Vulgate Prologue reveals he was flummoxed and a lapse of reason and almost in desperation he accused Jerome of forging the verse, even though he normally was very pro-Jerome. The arguments against Jerome’s authorship arose 150 years later.
Erasmus and the Antwerp Manuscript
Erica Rummel stated in her book Erasmus' Annotations on the New Testament on page 132:
- "He did, however, admit that he had seen a manuscript in Antwerp that had the Comma Johanneum in a marginal addition."
See Also
- Johannine Comma
- Erasmus
- Novum Instrumentum omne
- Johannine Comma and Cyprian of Carthage
- Johannine Comma and Codex Montfortianus
- Cyprian
- Codex Montfortianus
References
- 1. From the book Raising the Ghost of Arius - Erasmus, the Johannine Comma and Religious Difference in Early Modern Europe. with the footnote given as: LB IX:1031F: “Nec unquam disputo super hoc loco, nisi testificans verissimum esse quod isti colligunt Patris, Filii, & Spiritus Sancti eamdem esse essentiam, ne quis impium aliquid possit suspicari. Et si quid hinc oritur offendiculi, ab illis proficiscitur, qui tales ingerunt de nihilo calumnias, & rem inter eruditos tractandam in vulgum efferunt.”
- 2. Erasmus' Esteem for Cyprian: Parallels in Their Expositions of the Lord's Prayer
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